17 September 2015
Guardian
political writer David Torrance says the election of Jeremy Corbyn as leader of
the British Labour Party and the earlier rise of Nigel Farage and UKIP mark the
death of moderation in politics and the rise of a new breed of anti-politician,
governed more by conviction than pragmatism. Leaving aside the minor point that
Jeremy Corbyn has been an MP for over 30 years, so is hardly a fresh face, and
factoring in the phenomenon of the Scottish Nationalists which owes more to the
uncomfortable artificiality that is the current United Kingdom, does Torrance’s
thesis hold weight beyond Britain’s shores?
The rise of
Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders as the early stars of the United States
Presidential race might suggest he is reflecting an emerging international
trend, as might the election earlier in the year of Greece’s radical anti-austerity
government under Alexis Tsipras (although on current polls he will lose the
snap election he called a couple of months ago, to boost his mandate,
suggesting that any phenomenon might be short-lived.)
Canada might also
succumb to the Torrance theory. Long-term conservative Prime Minister Stephen
Harper is in the electoral fight of his life – a three way contest where the
radical New Democrats, until recently the third party in Canadian politics, are
leading the field.
But in the
southern hemisphere Torrance’s thesis might not be so accurate. John Key has
been a comparatively moderate Prime Minister and at this early stage of his
third term seems just as popular as ever. Across the Tasman, Tony Abbott has
just been ousted as Prime Minister by the more urbane Malcolm Turnbull, because
Abbott was seen as too hard-line and gaffe prone. And Turnbull’s first comment
as Prime Minister was that he wanted to govern like John Key.
So perhaps the
death of moderation is just a northern hemisphere phenomenon, brought on by the
failures of successive governments of the left and the right. But the signs
here still suggest it is not travelling south – yet. Labour is still
pathologically scared of putting any markers in the ground, lest it upset
people, and even the Greens under James Shaw suddenly seem and sound far less
threatening. The flame of the liberal democratic UnitedFuture still flickers,
and ACT’s radical edge has been replaced by the quirkiness of its new leader.
The Maori Party remains the quiet achiever for its constituents, who reward it
by voting Labour in ever-increasing numbers.
All of which
leaves New Zealand First, certainly as racist and nationalist as Farage’s UKIP,
but the party both major parties want to avoid to ever having to work with in government
because of its disruptive nature. However, its alleged resurgence following the
Northland by-election has had no impact, so it is doubtful that it is having
any role in the death of moderation in politics here.
Moderate politics
seem set to continue in New Zealand, arguably because of our egalitarian
society. We just do not have the extremes of wealth or deprivation here to
drive masses of marginalised people to mobilise for political representation.
While that remains the case, the incentives to upset the apple cart will not be
strong. Political parties will carry on pretty much as they are, representing
pretty much the people they do today.
John Key well
knows that, in the end, all politics are local. So the continuity of moderation
here will only be upset by a significant external shock, which may be why the
government’s operating mantra seems to be “act only as we need to”. It certainly explains why it has taken such a
pragmatically cautious line in response to the refugee crisis, and to rising
sea levels in the Pacific because of climate change.
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