Friday, 22 August 2025

It is difficult not to see Sir Trevor Mallard’s sacking as New Zealand’s Ambassador to Ireland as anything other than an act of political vengeance by Foreign Minister Winston Peters. After all, there has been considerable antagonistic history between the pair, culminating in then-Speaker Mallard’s trespassing of Peters during the 2022 occupation of Parliament’s grounds by Covid19 protestors.

But Mallard should never have been appointed to a diplomatic post in the first place. His lengthy Parliamentary career had been frequently punctuated by aggressive outbursts – he was thrown out of the Chamber for abuse and misbehaviour more than anyone else during his time in Parliament – showing clearly that he lacked the necessary skills to be a credible diplomat or external representative of New Zealand. His appointment owed far more to political patronage by then Prime Minister Ardern.

It may be a simple coincidence that two of Labour’s highest profile appointments – Phil Goff in London and now Mallard – have been terminated early by Peters, even if Goff’s demise was largely self-inflicted. Nevertheless, they highlight the risks involved in appointing former politicians to diplomatic posts for which they may not be temperamentally suited. Peters’ comment on Mallard’s dismissal that there should be no more such political appointments was understandable in the current circumstances, even if it went a little too far.

London, Washington, Canberra and increasingly Beijing are New Zealand’s most important diplomatic posts. Over the years, from the early 1950s when former National Minister Sir Frederick Doidge was posted to London, there has been a succession of former National and Labour Ministers (including a former Deputy Prime Minister and two former Speakers) serving as New Zealand’s High Commissioner to Britain. Similarly, since Sir Walter Nash was posted to Washington in the 1940s (while continuing to serve as Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance!) there has been a parade of former Ministers, including three former Prime Ministers, appointed Ambassador to the United States.

However, political appointments have been less common to the Canberra post, and curiously, there have so far been no political appointments as Ambassador to China, arguably likely to become our most important post in the future.

The argument for political appointments in key (and attractive) posts like London and Washington is that former politicians have political contacts and can therefore open doors that may prove difficult for career diplomats. This may have been so in the days when communications and travel connections were less easy, but it is a more difficult argument to sustain today. After all, if necessary, today a Minister or a Prime Minister can be in either capital in little more than 24 hours, or, as the round table meetings between the world’s leaders on Ukraine have shown, connected instantly by satellite. The position is still a little different in the United States, however, where status counts much more, and where, when we had former Prime Ministers as our Ambassador, unexpected doors opened more readily.

But beyond these appointments, the advantage of former politicians in diplomatic roles is far less obvious and does, as Peters states, snub the talents and experience of professional diplomats who might have otherwise expected those appointments. Indeed, when political appointments have been made, senior diplomats have frequently been appointed to those embassies in supporting roles, to cover for and support the political appointee.

Some political diplomatic appointments have proved to be remarkably successful. Others have been significantly less so, leading to the inevitable conclusion that their appointment has been more about getting someone out of the way, or repaying political favours.

But Peters’ statement that the days of political appointments are over goes a step too far. While such appointments should be rare, and even then, for time-limited specific purposes with appointees required to submit their resignations upon a change of government, it would be unwise to rule them out altogether. Nevertheless, his comments are a timely warning to any of his current government colleagues, and even those who may serve in a future Labour-led government, that contemplating a comfortable diplomatic retirement is likely to become increasingly unrealistic.

From the days of the legendary Sir Carl Berendsen in the 1920s through to the 1940s, New Zealand has produced some outstanding diplomats who have played significant roles in some of the major international events of their times. Since Berendsen’s day, our Ministry of Foreign Affairs has been well regarded for its professionalism and competence, even if it has sometimes appeared a little too cautious to external observers. There is no reason why it cannot continue to attract and provide highly skilled professional diplomats able to serve effectively at the highest level.

The unnecessary controversies surrounding the Goff and Mallard appointments are unfortunate examples of what can happen when politicians chose to reward their own ahead of relying on professional diplomatic expertise. Each detracted from the calibre of New Zealand’s international representation, which is why their early termination was reasonable.

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